Human Rights

The Seychelles signed the United Nations Convention on the Rights of Persons With Disabilities (CRPD), on the 30th of March 2007 and ratified it on the 2nd of October 2009. Since then, the Seychelles has not incorporated the CRPD in its national legislation, for instance as a standalone Act. Although in Seychelles, efforts have been made to introduce policies which are consistent with the CRPD. For instance, the National Strategic Framework for Disability attempts to promote inclusivity and provide support the persons with disabilities and their families through appropriate programmes. However, more needs to be done to ensure the introduction of a Bill before the National Assembly in Seychelles. It is crucial to highlight that the Commonwealth Secretariat’s Human Rights Unit in their assessment report revealed that there has been no attempt to domesticate the CRPD in the Seychelles and there is no distinct or comprehensive legislation on disability, and disability is not dealt with in a systematic way in other legislation in the country.

The News and Events category publishes the latest News and Events relating to International Economic Law relating to Africa and the Global South. Every week, Afronomicslaw.org receive the News and Events in their e-mail accounts. The News and Events published every week include conferences, major developments in the field of International Economic Law in Africa at the national, sub-regional and regional levels as well as relevant case law. News and Events with a Global South focus are also often included.

The News and Events category publishes the latest News and Events relating to International Economic Law relating to Africa and the Global South. Every week, Afronomicslaw.org receive the News and Events in their e-mail accounts. The News and Events published every week include conferences, major developments in the field of International Economic Law in Africa at the national, sub-regional and regional levels as well as relevant case law. News and Events with a Global South focus are also often included.

Since the early 2000s, sanctions imposed by the United Nations Security Council, alongside measures by the United States, the European Union, and the United Kingdom, have increasingly taken the form of “targeted” sanctions. These include asset freezes, travel bans, and arms embargoes directed at specific individuals and entities. While intended to pressure political elites and minimize civilian harm, the effectiveness of these measures remains contested, particularly in fragile and conflict-affected contexts like in the DRC.

This essay examines how international sanctions imposed on key figures in Zimbabwe have disrupted remittance flows from Zimbabwean migrants working in care jobs abroad, such as caring for children or the elderly. These workers bear the emotional burdens of caring for people on both sides: the individuals they assist in destination countries and their families in Zimbabwe. Remittances are an essential aspect of the latter, as they play a crucial role in shaping the family relationships of migrants and their families. The fact that these migrants send money to family members residing in a country under a heavily sanctioned regime poses specific challenges for Zimbabwean migrants and their families. Migrants are faced with high fees and must rely on informal money transfer channels, which carry significant risks. These costs and risks ultimately hinder the steady flow of money to their families back home. International sanctions thus add a significant burden to the many challenges faced by Zimbabwean migrant care workers: the high cost of sending money to their families back home and the resulting weakening of family and community ties.

Economic sanctions are typically viewed as instruments of statecraft — mechanisms for foreign policy and international pressure. They have evolved from blunt, economy-wide measures to increasingly targeted tools directed at specific individuals, entities, and sectors. Though proponents of these more recent "smart" sanctions argue that such measures punish only bad actors while sparing ordinary civilians, Economic Sanctions from Havana to Baghdad challenges this assumption, arguing that no matter how carefully sanctions are designed, adjusted, or targeted, they retain the capacity to cause real harm to civilian populations.

Joy Gordon’s twenty-one chapter edited volume is a massive contribution to the study of the character, legality, legitimacy, effectiveness, and impacts of economic sanctions in our time (Gordon, 2026). It is a major tome – certainly voluminous, seamlessly multidisciplinary, and quite encompassing. It is an excellent work of scholarship: thoroughly researched, written and edited; highly analytical; and very illuminating.

The book Economic Sanctions from Havana to Baghdad: Legitimacy, Accountability, and Humanitarian Consequences raises concerns of social justice, an important ethical issue about the legitimacy of sanctions, and concerns about the humanitarian crises that economic sanctions are bound to cause. Filipenko et al. define economic sanctions as mechanisms that involve restrictive economic measures applied by a country or group of countries to another country or group of countries to coerce the governments of those countries to change their policies. These measures are not only taken by countries against countries but also by international bodies against individuals and entities within countries. These sanctions at the international level are often used to exert political and economic leverage and secure a specific form of capitulation or change from the sanctioned country, entity, or individual.

This volume, Economic Sanctions from Havana to Baghdad: Legitimacy, Accountability, and Humanitarian Consequences, published in 2026 by Cambridge University Press, seeks to incorporate many of the perspectives that have been underrepresented in the academic discourse. This includes the work of scholars from sanctioned countries, such as Iran, Iraq, Venezuela, Cuba, and Syria. It also includes the perspectives of practitioners, such as attorneys and humanitarian aid workers. In addition, this volume addresses issues that are complex, but of great significance. For example, while sanctions often include humanitarian exemptions for food, the reality is that the regulatory regimes are so burdensome and unclear that private actors—banks, shipping companies, aid organizations, donors, insurers, and on and on—are driven away from engaging in even legal, humanitarian transactions.

In an ever-growing quest for gender equality, it is quite common for scholars and researchers to overlook regional and sub-regional systems while prioritizing global institutions, particularly the United Nations, its specialized agencies, and other international human rights mechanisms. The limited attention given to regional bodies stems from their perceived lack of influence in implementing meaningful reforms compared to global institutions. Unbeknownst to many, regional systems, despite their marginalization, have developed contextually relevant, progressive policy documents and delivered consequential legal judgments on women's rights. However, as is the case with many international, regional or sub-regional organizations, the perennial challenges remain the translation of the policies and enforcing the far-reaching judgements on women’s rights. The Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) embodies this paradox.